Blockchain & Hernando de Soto: A Transpartisan Path To Reducing Poverty

Transpartisan Note #87

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

Our friend Hernando de Soto wrote of ending poverty by recognizing property rights in our first (January 2017) issue of The Transpartisan Review.  In the late 1980s and early 90s, de Soto played a key role in ending the Peruvian Terrorist group Shining Path’s violence by getting the Peruvian government to recognize poor property owners’ land deeds.

Today de Soto urges societies around the world to use decentralized digital ledgers, based on blockchain (similar to those used for bitcoin) to track the property holdings of the poor.  His work, embraced by both left and right, and done with an idealistic staff at his Instituto Libertad y Democracia in Peru, highlights the importance of property rights for empowering people and mitigating poverty.

Property rights give the people more security and society as a whole more stability, de Soto argues. Formal deeds empower poor landholders.  With bitcoin entrepreneur Patrick Byrne, de Soto has launched De Soto Inc., a socially-conscious joint venture between him and Bryne’s Overstock.com subsidiary Medici Ventures.

De Soto and Byrne’s vision is simple.  Publicly record property rights and individuals’ claims, and globally verify them.  This will enable the poor to safely unlock the value of their land.  It will also help to resolve land ownership disputes and empower local land ownership.

De Soto Inc. aims to create a global property registry blockchain as a utility that will unlock dead capital, help five billion people secure modernized property rights, give information necessary to settle property conflicts and disputes, and fight terrorism by undermining terrorists’ business model.

De Soto is already doing some pilot projects.  Byrne is selling part of his stake in Overstock (worth $2bn) to pay for the projects.  He has also assembled a bunch of Utah whiz-kids to begin creating a special blockchain form for the project.  De Soto and Byrne ardently say they can persuade poor people to use social media to record their property rights themselves.

De Soto Inc. uses powerful information technology to empower a unique transpartisan initiative.

(Image from the video “An Interview with Hernando de Soto” – McKinsey & Company – which explores the effort to bring property rights and the rule of law to developing economies.)

Unrig The System: Watch The Summit, Be Energized

Transpartisan Note #86

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

At a meeting in New Orleans Feb 2 to 4, 2018, which we would call Transpartisan, a bunch of folks had a great time working for a better world.  Here is what they say about themselves and their work…

“We Just Convened the Brightest Minds from the Right and Left to Fix American Politics.  Conservatives.  Progressives.  Solutions.”

Top advocacy leaders, academics, comedians, musicians, celebrities, activists, philanthropists, journalists, and more all gathered at the Unrig the System Summit in New Orleans from Feb 2-4, 2018.  We crossed partisan and ideological divides to work together on concrete solutions to unrig America’s political system . . . with plenty of New Orleans fun mixed in.

Learn what people are doing to unrig the system every day.  The summit’s final plenary session, with U.S. Representatives Tulsi Gabbard (D-HI) and Mike Gallagher (R-WI) (embedded above), includes short speeches from grassroots anti-corruption leaders: Take Back Our Republic’s John Pudner; End Citizens United’s Tiffany Muller; Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund’s Tom Saenz; and Issue One’s Nick Penniman.

You can also watch the Unrigged Live! variety show below (or on the Unrig website) hosted by Jennifer Lawrence, with speakers including: Represent.Us Director Josh Silver; Professor and former White House Ethics Lawyer Richard Painter; Comedians Tig Notaro, Nikki Glaser, and Adam Yenser; NASA astronaut Ron Garan; and Former State Senator and Our Revolution President Nina Turner.  With live music from HoneyHoney, and the legendary New Orleans-based Preservation All-Stars.

All over the country communities gather routinely to address the fissures in the current American political operating system.  A sense of the significance, power and imagination animating these local, national and global initiatives comes from going to www.unrigsummit.com/summit-live-feed/ and reliving the Unrig the System Summit.  Listen.  Watch.  Be inspired.

Korea and the Olympics: Moral, Therapeutic & Transpartisan Values

Transpartisan Note #85

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

In a carefully designed public relations maneuver North Korea’s leader Kim Jong-un sent athletes and his sister, Kim Yo Jong, to the Winter Olympics in South Korea.  He aimed at radically changing the world’s perception of North Korea as a ruthless dictatorship.

Responses to the PR blitz ranged from predictable American disgust at Kim’s cynical use of Olympic good will to conceal his brutal regime to full embrace of his actions, even by the South Koreans, as breakthrough moves toward a new relationship between North and South.

Mainstream media embraces the North’s PR as a great ‘story’: North and South, athletes march as an integrated Korean Team; North’s smiling representatives first post-1950s visit South; Kim’s charismatic sister invites peace.  Great pictures. Lots of viewers.  More ads.  South Koreans quickly accept.  Counter PR?  Life as theatre?

Kim’s moves created a triumphant theatrical success.  They stood in perfect contrast to U.S. Vice President Pence’s relentlessly sullen American Olympic presence.  U.S. media commentary, left and right, unlike the photo-journalists, was overwhelmingly negative.  A transpartisan perspective helps us make sense of all this.

The transpartisan process, tending to be more therapeutic than moral,  generally supports dialogue.  Therapeutic preferences, however, can be complicated and can lead in counterintuitive directions.  Seeking dialogue with totalitarians can be impossible or even counter-therapeutic (if perceived as resulting from weakness).

We believe that isolation can be deranging, and extreme isolation can lead to paranoia and even madness.  By their nature, totalitarian leaders like Kim tend to pursue closed, ‘totalist,’ myths (either personal or systemic), avoiding contact.  We think Kim’s isolation up to now has promoted his apparently sociopathic personality.

Understanding his recent shift from isolation toward connection starts by imagining something he wants.  Most likely he seeks relief from sanctions, which hurt North Korea and impose costs on China that the Chinese resist.

Our personal contacts with Koreans including visits to Seoul, have influenced our view of these issues.  At a macro level, Kim and other Koreans, both North and South, see the Korean people as chosen for a special, transcendent purpose.  This keeps alive their aspiration, on both sides, for reunification, which may have played a role in Kim’s initiative.  On a more personal level, friends tell us that Kim wants more than anything to attend a Knicks game in Madison Square Garden.

Whatever Kim’s motivations, Vice President Pence never stopped frowning while in Seoul; yet soon after he returned to Washington the administration abruptly changed its North Korea policy and endorsed the forthcoming North and South talks.  What happened?

We generally criticize Trump’s preoccupation with media coverage, but it is possible that this abrupt policy change was prompted by his determination to share the limelight that eluded him when Pence was in Seoul.  If so, it might be one case where this prominent Trump quality may have produced a positive policy outcome, reducing Kim’s isolation.

Sometimes overlapping theatrical objectives can create strange transpartisan bedfellows.  What’s next?  Don’t be surprised if at some point Kim is watching basketball at Madison Square Garden.

What Is Your American Dream? Check Out “The Chisel”

Transpartisan Note #84

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

What’s Your American Dream?  TheChisel’s new national survey demonstrates something almost unimaginable in 2018: Left, Right, and Center agree on their #1 goal for 53% of the 34 issues surveyed.  Join TheChisel for a bipartisan evening celebrating Americans’ shared values in the Chisel’s new book What’s Your American Dream at:

National Press Club
First Amendment Lounge
529 – 14th Street, N.W.,
Washington, DC
Tuesday, February 27, 2018
6:30-8:30pm

According to its founder, Deborah Devedjian, ‘TheChisel is an online tool to empower American voters by informing them about major issues and enabling them to engage with experts in developing bipartisan solutions.  Our audience is everyone—all Americans.  We’re all in this together, from the CEO of a Fortune 500 company or to a homemaker with young children. Each proposal is accessible to everyone.’

Our colleague Mark Gerzon says ‘TheChisel.com is not a mere feel-good exercise in building “consensus-driven solutions” but works with participating organizations to send proposals to Congress.’  We think this event, the book it celebrates, and the TheChisel offer an important glimpse into an often overlooked reality about American life—Americans share more values than the daily news suggests.

TheChisel invites everyone, saying:

Our nation is experiencing enormous change and uncertainty.  Our leaders need to hear from each of us to make our lives more prosperous, equitable, and secure.

Step beyond political slogans and platforms. Share what matters to you, your loved ones, and communities.

This survey is unlike any other:

It is supported by a growing nonpartisan coalition of 29 universities, media outlets, and organizations spanning the political spectrum (see below here).

It’s simple, quick, and interactive.  Seven themes frame our national discussion (see left panel here).  You rank your goals with game-like tools.  You can even add your own goals, comment on issues, and respond to others’ comments!

We’ll present the shared vision to the media, the President and his Cabinet, Members of Congress, Supreme Court, and state governors.

So, join us in answering ‘What’s Your American Dream?’  And be part of shaping a shared vision for all Americans.

Check out TheChisel.  We are not alone.  Americans together share important goals, values, and dreams.

The Parties’ Losing Strategies Could Become Wins For Them and the Country II

Part Two: Democrats

Transpartisan Note #83

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

We believe that both nationally branded political parties—Republicans and Democrats—are following losing political strategies.  Here we address the Democrats.

In 1994 the Republicans took control of the House after 62 years of Democratic dominance (since 1932), launching intense conflict between the parties that continues.  Like the Republicans (see Note #82) the Democratic Party brand remains tarnished and rejected by the great majority of the electorate.

Note #82 explored why the Republican strategy is a loser. We suggested how the party could strengthen its brand by finding and promoting community based initiatives both public and private. It is a four-quadrant transpartisan strategy with roles for everyone who wishes one.

It would not require that Republicans abandon any of their basic values—in fact, it would integrate its libertarian and traditionalist themes.  It would rebrand the Party in a new form that would allow disinterested voters to take new notice of Republican values.

We also noted that the Democrats’ strategy of providing financial and social benefits directly for identified ‘victims’ in need has political advantages over Republicans’ strategy focused on improving the economy, which benefits people indirectly.  (We focused on electoral rhetoric, rather than on what either party actually does.)

In 2016, Donald Trump combined the ‘help victims’ and ‘build business’ strategies.  He appealed to traditional Democratic voters promising to help unemployed rust belt workers and oppose free trade he deemed ‘unfair’.  He promised less business regulation and cutting taxes—traditional Republican policies aimed at improving the economy.

Trump won, like George W. Bush in 2000, with a minority of votes representing a thin slice of the electorate. Democrats carried the popular vote in all but one presidential election since 2000.  In states like Texas and Pennsylvania Republicans in Congress out number Democrats despite fewer total votes.

Despite their political advantage, the Democrat’s strategy loses outside their base, allowing minority Republicans, to win for three reasons.  First, ‘victim’ as an organizing myth is undependable.  Unemployed, poor, working class, women, minorities, and others are all ‘victims’ in the Democratic story despite very different needs and wants.

Second, despite the Democratic strategy, ‘disadvantaged’ groups still struggle.  After a half-century of poverty reducing policies, the poverty rate remains at 11/15%.  The demoralized poor continue to surround us.  Racial discrimination stubbornly remains.  Women continue as second class in crucial ways.

Third, Democratic rhetoric about a system ‘rigged’ against the disadvantaged almost certainly drags on the positive spirit and optimism essential to overcome disadvantage.  If you think the system is rigged, how do you avoid giving up?  Why bother trying?  Why not join the Trumpites (Sanders’ loss was rigged).

African-Americans face the same challenge. Chants of ‘white racism’ suggest no black progress until whites change.  It is tragic irony that the party blacks support disempowers blacks.  Democrats win ‘victims’ votes since Republicans offer no real alternatives.  Obama governed with a partisan base about the size of Trump’s.

The Democrats’ political weakness mirrors the Republicans’.  Two brands hurling ‘trickle down’ versus ‘class warfare’ at each other, while the government closes and disgusts most Americans.  Either party brand could improve by promoting community as crucial for all groups, including the disadvantaged.

Civic engagement, promoting trust, is the ultimate instrument empowering people for progress.  Republicans today struggle to integrate Trump supporters, and Democrats struggle to embrace Bernie Dems.  Across the country people of varied politics work together to solve problems.

With civic engagement, class warfare and trickle down disappear, and the political strategies that depend on them disappear as well. The parties need to engage with these citizen initiatives.

People everywhere are innovating and collaborating in ways to create resources (including money) while the parties play old games.  If Democrats used their greater voters access to build community around new initiatives, they could get more voters to look more closely at their brand.

As the parties rebrand themselves, their competition might shift to 21st century issues such as new sources of government revenue and technology supporting communities and promoting trust.  The party that leads this movement might well win future elections.

The Parties’ Losing Strategies Could Become Wins For Them and the Country

Part One: Republicans

Transpartisan Note #82

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

We believe that both nationally branded political parties—Republicans and Democrats—follow losing political strategies.  There are more voters registered independent than either party; nearly half the electorate not registered.  Independents and nonvoters combined equal many more than the two parties combined.  See our Note #52.

If the parties were businesses, both would be economically bankrupt.  As the record currently stands, the vast majority of Americans—well over 50% and as many as 75%—see the parties as morally, aspirationally, operationally, and politically bankrupt.

The American and global publics move into the 21st century with new ideas, new activities, and major inventions while the political parties lock themselves into the battle structures of the last quarter of the 18th century—time of the French and American revolutions; Napoleon’s war as politics and the stirrings of the industrial nation state.

To differentiate their brands, the parties divide the country into opposing armies fighting over ‘the pie’.  Their professed concern for the ‘larger good’ disappears.  Each acts as if it had all the answers and the other none.  Both pitch to a ‘base’ that excludes the vast majority of the electorate.

The parties market their brands differently.  Democrats focus on distribution—the existing pieThey attack Republicans for helping the rich and harming the poor.  Republicans focus on a bigger economy—expanding the pie. They attack Democrats for waste.  Neither aims credibly at expanding the pie and distributing it competently.

Democrats support benefits given visibly and directly to people.  Republicans support benefits given invisibly and indirectly to unknown recipients.  Democrats deride Republican policy as ‘trickle-down economics’.  Republicans ridicule Democrats for ‘promoting class warfare.’  Everyone else puts their fingers in their ears.

Democrats’ political objective expands the numbers receiving public benefits, while the GOP focuses on shrinking those numbers.  Republicans seek to shift government support from the poor to entrepreneurs—whom the Democrats call the rich—arguing they will expand the economy helping everyone.

The Republican strategy tends to be a vote loser politically because it is easier to organize people who benefit directly than indirectly.  This is important both financially and in terms of personal engagement and caring: Democrats know who their constituents are.  Republicans seemed confused about theirs.

To promote a new, ‘caring’ brand, Republicans could focus on that which is essential for both rich and poor—on promoting community.  While governments collect and distribute money to people (rich and poor), civil society organizations (CSOs) promote civic engagement, the essential energy for community.

Republicans need more than bashing governments.  They need alternatives for helping and empowering people.  They need models of success that not only engage and empower people; they also need political strategies for importing features that engage and empower people into bureaucratic programs that alienate everyone in them.

Real experiences with civil society citizen empowerment exist, especially in difficult environments.  Examples are Delancey Street Foundation (San Francisco), Educate Girls Globally (working in government schools in two states of India), UNICEF’s Girls Community Schools in Upper Egypt, and many others.

Candidates, officeholders, and party officials might start by connecting with program such as these, both civil society projects and government institutions that feature the same qualities, empowering citizens and manifesting conservative values.*  Republican leaders should look for programs that promote citizen engagement—self-governing schools, housing, and community health and others.

The most interesting of these examples might be government programs like Vis Valley under James Dierke that moved away from a mechanized, bureaucratic structure and culture to more engaged, human structures.  They need to launch projects as examples and promote a new public debate on this new vision of social services from both public and independent sources.  They should inform voters about the amazing progress that empowered people achieve and how models like these can be expanded and developed.

Politicians should visit successful program and dialogue with teachers and students on their amazing successes.  The media would love it, reporting on extraordinary transformational stories on the evening news.  Everyone would love it because it would represent transpartisan (four-quadrant, including a role for everyone) values.  Using this strategy Republicans could rebrand their party.  Or the Democrats could.  See our Note #83.

*An example of the latter would be Visitacion Valley Middle School in San Francisco when James Dierke was principal.  Dierke was a product of the public school system.  He was founding president of the administrators’ union in Northern California.  In 2007 [?] he was chosen the outstanding principal of a middle school in California, and in 2008 he won that award for the entire country; and he was Executive Vice President of the National Association of School Administrators. 

What We Agree On – Transpartisan Agreement?

Transpartisan Note #81

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

In the year following Donald Trump’s January 20, 2017 Inauguration as President, Washington Post photo-journalists traveled the country photographing and interviewing 102 individuals, two from each state and the District of Columbia.

They asked: ‘What values and beliefs are shared in a country often described as polarized?’

The journalists analyzed the interviews and found seven recurring themes about what unites America.  On January 17, 2018 they reported these themes as:

Freedom and Fundamental Rights:  We are equals, united by our freedom to say what we want and go where we please . . . and to disagree.  Sixty-four of 102 agreed.

Community and empathy:  We are united by a capacity for empathy, and we flourish when we come together to help each other.  Fifty-nine agreed about this.

Opportunity and drive:  We all have a shot at making the life we want.  That ideal of the American Dream still has a powerful hold on our imagination.  Fifty-eight.

Diversity:  We are a nation of immigrants, and are united by our pride in that fact.  Fifty.

Responsibility to engage:  We are united by our obligation to create a more perfect union.  America is a continuing experiment that depends on civic engagement from everyone.  Thirty.

Faith in the nation:  We are united by our faith that American democracy is sturdy enough to see us through social and political disruption.  Twenty-seven.

Fear of the future:  We are united by our misgivings about the current direction of America.  Fifteen.

These themes are examples of what we, the editors and publishers of The Transpartisan Review, call transpartisan.  Transpartisan politics begins with what we agree on.  We think Americans have faith in our diverse nation to use our freedom and rights responsibly to engage our opportunity and drive, overcome fear of the future, and receive and add to the empathy that feeds our community.

We think the Four Quadrant Matrix, with its left/right horizontal axis and order/freedom vertical axis, helps explain the apparent divide between our current adversarial politics and the shared values of a striving electorate — an electorate that is largely united in ways that our political institutions are ignoring.

Here is how it looks:

See our Note #79 and Note #52 in which we describe the 2016 election in terms of the Matrix.

(Photo credit: Image from animated presentation. Visit the Washington Post to see photos of all participants.)

Resolving the #MeToo Controversy May Offer Transpartisan Opportunity

Transpartisan Note #80

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

On January 15th, French actress Catherine Deneuve apologized to “victims of horrible acts … and to them alone” who felt “attacked” by the recent open letter published by French newspaper Le Monde stating the #Me Too movement had gone too far.

Five days earlier, on January 10th,  100 French women writers, entertainers, historians, academics and intellectuals signed a letter published in Le Monde challenging the #MeToo Movement and its French equivalent, #Balancetonporc (‘Expose Your Pig’), for publicly prosecuting private experiences and creating a totalitarian climate.

While condemning actions like those by producer Harvey Weinstein, the French women, led by the iconic French actress, deplored as ‘witch-hunts’ and a ‘new puritanism’ the public revelations and denunciations of sex scandals that have ruined dozens of men.  They decry public exposure of people who are seen as sex offenders without giving them a chance to defend themselves, and they argue that the movements threaten sexual freedom, promote hatred of men, and jeopardize the rights of women.

‘This expedited justice … already has its victims,’ they write, ‘men prevented from practicing their profession as punishment, forced to resign, etc., while the only thing they did wrong was touching a knee…’  (The latter comment clearly refers to the resignation of former UK Defense Secretary Michael Fallon, who resigned in November after admitting to touching journalist Julia Hartley-Brewer’s knee in 2002.)

The subject of private sexual advances raises issues of the most intimate, subjective kind, and the letter clearly means to address them.  All actions that cause sexual discomfort cannot be treated as if they are equivalent to rape.  They go on:

[W]e defend a freedom to bother as indispensable to sexual freedom…

Above all, we are aware that the human being is not a monolith: A woman can, in the same day, lead a professional team and enjoy being a man’s sexual object, without being a ‘whore’ or a vile accomplice of the patriarchy.  She can make sure that her wages are equal to a man’s but not feel forever traumatized by a man who rubs himself against her in the subway, even if that is regarded as an offense.  She can even consider this act as the expression of a great sexual deprivation, or even as a non-event.

Incidents that can affect a woman’s body do not necessarily affect her dignity and must not, as difficult as they can be, necessarily make her a perpetual victim.  Because we are not reducible to our bodies.  Our inner freedom is inviolable.  And this freedom that we cherish is not without risks and responsibilities.

The subject calls forth widely different responses from both women and men.  They range from women who are discomfited by any workplace sexual innuendo to a reaction exemplified by one woman who said she would be insulted not to be hit on by male colleagues at work.  (She thinks different attitudes toward the issue may be influenced by differences in self-confidence – whether people are confident they can handle unwanted advances — and also in different power relationships.)  On the latter point, the threat of public exposure may to some degree equalize the vulnerabilities resulting from power imbalances.

They may also be influenced by differences in how the French versus Americans view sex.

As transpartisans, we suggest that these issues involve the same tension between freedom and order—and the desire to integrate them—that defines most if not all public issues.

This issue is greatly complicated by the fact that it is about individual responses to individual acts, with no objective standards to guide judgments—and no objective standards that are even possible.

In a January 17 article, Bloomberg writer Megan McArdle put the matter directly:

‘Me too.  Me too.  Me too.  When our friends and colleagues are the accusers, when our neighbors and peers are the accused, the problem stares us in the face from a proximity so intimate that we cannot dismiss it with a simplistic response.  All that’s clear is that the problem is real, and the solutions will not be simple.’

She wrote in another article, ‘Sex panic harks back to the days of coddling women: there must be some way to find justice for women who have been abused without rushing to punish men who may not have abused anyone…’  We must ‘find some middle ground,’ she wrote finally, ‘between “Boys will be boys” and “Burn the warlocks!” else we may discover that in trying to build a better future, we’ve accidentally resurrected our repressive past.’

The real issue here is about engagement, just as many or most other political and social issues are about engagement.  With real engagement, people achieve extraordinary equality.  It is true in public school communities mobilizing to reform schools, in community-based law enforcement and public health centers, and also in all relationships when people approach each other sexually.  Mechanized relationships without engagement do not work in any social or political sector.  That is one of the primal transpartisan principles.  #MeToo and its critics both present an opportunity to solve this problem with that principle.

Note: The LeMonde letter was co-written by five French women: Sarah Chiche (writer/psychoanalyst), Catherine Millet (author/art critic), Catherine Robbe-Grillet (actress/writer), Peggy Sastre (author/journalist) and Abnousse Shalmani (writer/journalist). It was signed by some 100 others. See the full list of signatories.

Photo Martin J. Kraft / Wikimedia

The Transpartisan Matrix: Help Understanding Our Volatile Politics II

Transpartisan Note #79

by A. Lawrence Chickering and James S. Turner

In 1994 the Republican Party took control of the US Congress from the Democratic Party, wining 54 House seats and 9 senate seats.  We believe that the Transpartisan Four Quadrant Matrix we advocate helps explain this shift in American political control.  We believe it also helps us understand the vote in 2016 and prepare for 2018.

The Republicans controlled Congress during the roaring 1920s, which seemed prosperous at the time and profligate in retrospect.  Scholarship, especially that by Milton Freedman, suggests that failure of government policy—notably a misunderstanding of monetary policy—led to economic collapse.  Republicans lost control of Congress.

The 1932 Depression began a six decades long run of essentially one-party Congressional government.  The Democrats held nearly total control of the House and the Senate most of the time.  Little vital conflict occurred during these years.  In one notable telling the 1994 elections followed the ‘end of history’ brought on by the 1991 collapse of the USSR.

In the sixties the collective impulse that had responded to the depression and WW II produced enormous public policy failures on poverty and Vietnam.  That decade, the collective action impulse lost ground to the impulse toward individual expression.  Free expression swept the culture, on both the left and right.

During the long period of Democratic dominance, political scientists called the parties ‘tweedle-dum’ and tweedle-dee’—the same.  The 1960s featured great political conflict between activist citizens and the government rather than between the parties (67% of House members voted for the 1964 Civil Rights Act).  Democrats controlled Congress 30 more years.

Ronald Reagan, working with Max Kampelman his predecessor Jimmy Carter’s arms negotiator, brought an end to the Cold War and renewed optimism around progress through individual action.  Getting government off peoples’ backs’ gained favor—leading up to 1994, when Congressional elections became genuinely competitive.

The 2016 Presidential election seems outside past patterns.  We argue that widespread voter alienation, ignored by much if not most election commentary, greatly influenced the results.  There are now more Independents (40%+) than either Democrats or Republicans, and when you count age-eligible non-voters, both parties combined are a surprising minority.

The alienation was caused by increasing individuation of the electorate – moving from the order to the freedom quadrants – while government remained fundamentally unchanged.  Individuation drove people toward a strong concept of active citizenship, but policies remained centralized and bureaucratic, with little or no room for active citizens.

Both parties have significant problems heading into the mid-term elections.  The Democrats’ greatest problem may be eight years of sluggish economic growth under Obama yoked with the perception that Democrats prefer health, minimum wage and general regulatory pressure mandates to markets.  Order over freedom.  Rules over morals.

The most important antidote to these dangers, available to all parties, might be to redirect the narrative away from collective party solidarity to empowerment of varied individual initiatives in small, self-governing communities. Such efforts give everyone the chance that mass collectives make impossible often leaving many people isolated and alone.

Individuals participating in electoral efforts from all four of the Transpartisan Matrix quadrants provide real opportunities for the big brand parties.  The party that fails to tap them fails an historical opportunity.  When both fail chaos reigns.