Beyond Left and Right: Breaking the Political Stalemate

Two conflicting ideals animate American political debate: our rights as individuals and our responsibilities as members of society. From both conservatives and liberals we hear arguments for extremes of unrestrained individualism and suffocating statism. Do we all have the right to behave as we please, or must morality be legislated in the interests of the community? Should we be left on our own to succeed or fail financially, or should government shield us from risk (and control our pocketbooks)? In this penetrating book, author A. Lawrence Chickering describes the breakdown in dialogue that underlies the crisis in American politics. Surveying major domestic concerns – economic justice, racial and sexual equality, protection of the environment – Chickering concludes that no effective response to these and other issues is possible until we resolve the larger dilemma of how to reconcile rights and responsibilities, freedom and order. Chickering faults both Republicans and Democrats for their preoccupation with the politics of the centralized state. Washington-based politics, he argues, has become hopelessly disputatious, corrupt, and remote from the concerns of America’s people. It is “politics on the cheap”, endless tinkering with the machine of centralized government, incapable of satisfying Americans’ pervasive yearning for a society that inspires their willing and enthusiastic participation. How can we make politics work again? Beyond the tired programs of the left and right lies another option: a more consensual politics, built on self-governing institutions at the local and regional levels. Such institutions would empower citizens to work for the larger public good in all important areasof their lives. Beyond Left and Right introduces us to a new coalition of conservatives and liberals that is striving to build self-governing communities, especially in the stricken inner cities. This movement is strongly evident in efforts to reform education and low-income housing and is proposing new ideas in health care, law enforcement, and other areas. This is only the start, however: Chickering says that citizens, working together at the local and regional levels, can construct a just and responsive political system for the entire nation. This book offers optimism and hope. It points in a new direction – toward the freedom and sense of community that come with self-governance. Beyond Left and Right provides a basis for reviving America’s political life and our aspirations for its future.

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Beyond Left and Right: Breaking the Political Stalemate

by A. Lawrence Chickering


From Publishers Weekly

Arguing that “our obsession with rights” overwhelms any thought of collective obligations, Chickering, a Jack Kemp-style conservative and founder of the International Center for Economic Growth in San Francisco, muses provocatively on the paucity of American political debate. He thoughtfully opines that both conservatism and liberalism are riven by conflict over freedom and order, and that capitalism and socialism are complementary, not conflicting. He suggests that political discourse has sometimes degenerated into “codependency”–e.g., blaming drug dealers for the drug crisis “militates against the assumption of personal responsibility that is crucial for rehabilitation.” However, although Chickering asserts early in the book that a renewed politics must engage local, self-governing institutions, his own proposals for such innovations as public school voucher systems or tenant management of public housing remain thin.   – Copyright 1993 Reed Business Information, Inc.

From Kirkus Reviews

A carefully reasoned attempt to find common ground between liberals and conservatives, by a libertarian conservative committed to eliminating racism and poverty. Chickering (founder and associate director of San Francisco’s International Center for Economic Growth) argues that political tensions on both the left and the right evolve from a need to reconcile order and freedom. He traces those tensions from the first stirrings of individualism in the 14th century through the rise of the middle class, the Romantic reaction to capitalism, and the dissolution of bonds once provided by religion as well as by governments both socialist and capitalist. Chickering convincingly argues that citizens must wrest government from the hands of political professionals and devise their own solutions to problems, “ordering” their lives in ways satisfactory to themselves. But the author’s analysis can be uneven, especially when it comes to race relations: He tends to overlook the huge disparities in wealth and power that underlie many social problems, treating these problems as if they were only questions of point of view. At times, he seems partisan–overlooking Clinton’s emphasis on the “reciprocal obligations” of welfare recipients, for example, even as he praises similar Republican proposals. And while he doesn’t acknowledge or perhaps realize it, Chickering draws on many of the same (Kuhnian, poststructuralist) insights about subjectivity– about the need for personal approaches to problem-solving–that have inspired leftists in questions of multiculturalism, college curriculums, etc. Though the author doesn’t always follow those findings to the same liberal conclusions, it’s fascinating to see how compelling these insights can be, and to realize that they offer hope of replacing left/right rhetoric with constructive dialogue. Chickering’s emphasis on the discovery of personal and site- specific answers to problems–backed by accounts of successful community projects worldwide–will inspire even many who disagree with his positions. – Copyright ©1993, Kirkus Associates, LP.

Praise for “Beyond Left and Right: Breaking the Political Stalemate”

“The current architecture of the political argument isn’t working.  Chickering [has an] . . . exceptional capacity to relay with all their strength, arguments from the other side.  He leaves the reader with a true sense of having arrived at a keener understanding of what divisions are real [and] what depend primarily on the vagaries of nomenclature.”

William F. Buckley, Jr.


“The time is ripe for this provocative book.  The ideologies of Left and Right have failed to limit the stifling growth of centralized bureaucratic power.  The ideas of scientific objectivity and impersonal administration have failed.  We need to return to the original Federalist debates, connecting Jefferson’s ideal of community government with a new emphasis on honoring personal uniqueness.”

Tom Hayden


“No other book of recent vintage comes even close to Chickering’s masterful reconciliation of rights and responsibilities in current American public policy.  The book is a political gem, and deserves widest reading.”

Robert Nisbet
Albert Schweitzer Professor of the Humanities
Columbia University
Author of The Quest for Community


Beyond Left and Right reaches beyond the normal capacities that divide and paralyze us.  This book will stretch and prepare those who want to start thinking about the ideas that can pull us together for the 21st century.”

Peter C. Goldmark, Jr.
Former President of the Rockefeller Foundation
Publisher, International Herald Tribune


“I never thought I would see a marriage between conservative politics and liberal, new age thinking from the human potentials movement, but Lawry Chickering has achieved it.”

Jay Ogilvy
Director
Esalen Institute’s Revisioning Philosophy Project


“A philosophical tour de force!”

William L. Ury
Harvard University Negotiation Project
Co-author of Getting to Yes


“A highly original analysis of the current political morass, well-written and lucid.  You, as I, may not agree with all of Chickering’s views but, whether you do or not, he will make you think, and in a constructive direction.”

Milton Friedman


Of all the books that talk about the anxieties of our time, this is the best, the most perceptive and the most sensible.  It will leave readers thinking not, as usual, that they left some crazy house where there is random moaning and groaning about esoteric topics but rather that they have a grasp of what has been happening to America, why it is happening, and what might be done about it.”

Aaron Wildavsky
University of California, Berkeley
Former President
American Political Science Association


“I welcome this thoughtful book as another sign that old paradigms are shifting and that Americans can find common ground in a new politics of global awareness and personal responsibility fit for the 21st century.”

Hazel Henderson
Environmentalist
Author of Paradigms in Progress


Beyond Left and Right is a thought-provoking challenge to the basic ideological dichotomy of the past two centuries, and an insightful analysis of some of the key social issues of our time.”

Thomas Sowell
Hoover Institution


“The conservative Heritage Foundation and the Clintonite think-tank, the Progressive Policy Institute, found enough common ground to cooperate on a ‘Beyond Left and Right’ conference.  Lawrence Chickering’s book Beyond Left and Right is a brilliant analysis of the underlying processes which may be producing a new consensus for the 90s, reflecting agreement on pragmatic concerns, rather than the focus on the 80s on ideological differences.”

Seymour Martin Lipset
Hazel Chair of Public Policy
George Mason University
Former President
American Sociological Association.


“No one I know is freer from prejudices regarding patterns of political life and social change.  No one I know has more interesting ideas about the interrelationships of philosophical, religious, political, and economic thinking.  No one I know combines so much imaginative vision and practical effectiveness in work for creative social development.”

Michael Murphy
Founder and President
Esalen Institute
Author of The Future of the Body


“Chickering presents his own vision of America, at this crucial time in the national life, when we have exhausted the debate about our individual rights and are without a grammar or understanding of our communal values.  His is a singular voice in search of a nation.”

Richard Rodriguez
Author of Days of Obligation


“Insightful, provocative—must reading for anyone concerned about the future of American politics.”

Michael J. Boskin
Chairman
Hoover Institution
President’s Council of Economic Advisors, 1989-1993


“This is the best book I know about the need to transcend the current political debate.  Chickering makes a compelling argument on why the hope to solve our economic and social problems depends on combining the best of conservative and liberal thought.”

John Marks
President
Search for Common Ground


“Beyond Left and Right is a wise account of the sterile quality of much of today’s politics, and a powerful call for fresh thinking about the crucial balance between the individual and the community, between freedom and order, and between rights and responsibilities.  It’s an important book by a gifted, creative thinker.”

Benno C. Schmidt, Jr.
President, The Edison Project
Former President, Yale University


“The clarity of Chickering’s arguments about the two environmental movements brings order to years of questioning. . . .  The tools Chickering offers to assess one’s own place in relation to nature, to society, and to one’s commitment to responsible stewardship of the environment will aid spiritual, practical, and business decisions.  A mighty accomplishment.”

Beth A. Binns
International Academy of the Environment
Geneva, Switzerland

The Chemical Feast

Ralph Nader’s Study Group Report on the Food and Drug Administration

NADER’S RAIDERS STRIKE AGAIN!

A thoroughly documented study showing that instead of helping promote honesty in the market place the food standards set by the Food & Drug Administration deceive consumers and conceal important information.

Major food safety laws — the pesticide, food additive and color additive laws — have been sabotaged by cowardly, bureaucratic backsliding.

FDA labs detected cyclamates danger as far back as 1950, but at least ten danger signals produced no response by FDA officials.

While the FDA clings t the claim that American food is better than ever, the life expectancy of Americans is lower than ever and American food in general is filthier and less nutritious.

(from the back of the book)

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“…may well be the most devastating critique of a U.S. Government Agency ever issued…”

– Time Magazine


From Kirkus Reviews

Ralph Nader’s Summer Study Groups of 1969 raided various Washington departments and agencies to expose to public view the workings—and of course, the failings—of federal bureaucracy. This particular task force, under the direction of James S. Turner, checked out the Food and Drug Administration on the issue of food standards and their enforcement and found it wanting.

”Americans should ask why members of the food industry, America’s largest retail industry, have been allowed to let the safety, wholesomeness, and value of their products deteriorate.” The aggressive fact-finding here lays a heavy burden of guilt at the FDA’s door and on the heads of the powerful food lobbyists. Together, in the words of Nader himself, they have fostered ”processing and marketing practices that have transformed the defrauding of consumers into a competitive advantage—a kind of reverse competition (deceptive packaging alone costs consumers billions yearly).”

The sorry record of FDA treatment of the recently-banned cyclamates is reviewed as a representative case study of how they fail to provide the kind of protection for the food supply which the American consumer expects and the Study Group demands. When the FDA does act, it shows frightening vigor in pursuing minor transgressors while failing to tackle the giant corporate frauds. The report illustrates how food standards are manipulated and subverted, and how the FDA neglects its research as well as its regulatory rote and becomes mired in bureaucratic self-defense. On the issue of food-borne diseases, the study advocates an active role for the FDA in influencing food consumption patterns to control ”the nation’s disgracefully high infant mortality rate, low rise in life expectancy, and seemingly insoluble problems of stroke, heart disease, and cancer.” Much to worry about if you are what you eat.

“The quantity of food pouring from our farms and ranches must never be confused with its quality by the time it reaches the consumers’ dinner table or whether it adequately reaches many poor consumers at all. For years the Food Group, as the food lobby is known in Washington has nearly determined the limits of public dialogue and public policy about food quality. It is time for consumers to have information that will provide them with an effective understanding of the secrecy-clouded situation. The report proposes to contribute toward that objective as well as to spur the additional disclosure of facts and materials.”  – Ralph Nader

Capitalism and Freedom

How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In this classic book, Milton Friedman provides the definitive statement of his immensely influential economic philosophy—one in which competitive capitalism serves as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. The result is an accessible text that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and shows every sign of becoming more and more influential as time goes on.

Selected by the Times Literary Supplement as one of the “hundred most influential books since the war”

How can we benefit from the promise of government while avoiding the threat it poses to individual freedom? In this classic book, Milton Friedman provides the definitive statement of his immensely influential economic philosophy—one in which competitive capitalism serves as both a device for achieving economic freedom and a necessary condition for political freedom. The result is an accessible text that has sold well over half a million copies in English, has been translated into eighteen languages, and shows every sign of becoming more and more influential as time goes on.

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Reviews

”Edwards is a straightforward narrator, and the essays lend themselves to reading aloud because they began as lectures.” —Talking Book Review

(from Amazon.com)

Unstoppable: The Emerging Left-Right Alliance to Dismantle the Corporate State

Ralph Nader has fought for over fifty years on behalf of American citizens against the reckless influence of corporations and their government patrons on our society. Now he ramps up the fight and makes a persuasive case that Americans are not powerless. In Unstoppable, he explores the emerging political alignment of the Left and the Right against converging corporate-government tyranny.

Large segments from the progressive, conservative, and libertarian political camps find themselves aligned in opposition to the destruction of civil liberties, the economically draining corporate welfare state, the relentless perpetuation of America’s wars, sovereignty-shredding trade agreements, and the unpunished crimes of Wall Street against Main Street. Nader shows how Left-Right coalitions can prevail over the corporate state and crony capitalism.

He draws on his extensive experience working with grassroots organizations in Washington and reveals the many surprising victories by united progressive and conservative forces. As a participator in, and keen observer of, these budding alliances, he breaks new ground in showing how such coalitions can overcome specific obstacles that divide them, and how they can expand their power on Capitol Hill, in the courts, and in the decisive arena of public opinion.

Americans can reclaim their right to consume safe foods and drugs, live in healthy environments, receive fair rewards for their work, resist empire, regain control of taxpayer assets, strengthen investor rights, and make bureaucrats more efficient and accountable. Nader argues it is in the interest of citizens of different political labels to join in the struggle against the corporate state that will, if left unchecked, ruin the Republic, override our constitution, and shred the basic rights of the American people.

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Reviews

“In Unstoppable, Ralph Nader argues that there are in fact surprising areas of convergence between the left and the right… These are profound observations… Mr. Nader rails so effectively.” —David Asman, Wall Street Journal

“Activist Nader sketches out places of ‘convergence’ where liberals and conservatives can start working together for the public good.…[he] lists reforms with which many lawmakers would agree, including breaking up too-big-to-fail banks, protecting children from commercialism and ending corporate personhood.” —Kirkus Reviews

“One of Ralph Nader’s finest efforts. A bold and lucid handbook for the future.” —Patti Smith

“Conservatives and liberals both look askance at the Leviathan state and realize that promises of ‘doing good’ often obscure the reality of ‘doing well’ at taxpayer expense. Those looking for opportunities for bi-partisan cooperation should look at the nexus of statism and cronyism. Unstoppable shows that opposing such corruption can bring activists of the right and left together to fight side by side.” —Grover Norquist

“I read Ralph Nader for the same reasons that I read Tom Paine. He knows what he thinks, says what he means, and his courage is a lesson for us all.” —Lewis Lapham

“Thomas Jefferson fretted that, with the passing of the founding generation, the truer patriotism that he knew as the ‘Spirit of ’76’ would be lost. He need not have worried. Ralph Nader has recaptured the founding faith with an inspired call for a left-right coalition of conscience on behalf of democracy, liberty, fairness and peace.” —John Nichols, Washington correspondent for The Nation and co-author of Dollarocracy

“For more than 50 years, Nader has backed the rights of citizens against the growing influence of corporations and government leaders tied closely to those businesses…The new book offers readers broad philosophical views, as well as many detailed suggestions, about how to promote and advance a growing political alliance between the left and the right that challenges the growing alliance between Big Business and Big Government.”—The Charleston Gazette

“Ralph Nader’s timely book once again makes him prescient in his insights about American politics. His against-the-grain prediction of a Left-Right alliance is not just a hope, but it is grounded in emerging evidence.” —Cornel West

“Nader at his best—original, indignant, idealistic, and on the lookout for new political alliances and possibilities. A tonic for the cynicism that’s poisoning the groundwater of our democracy.” —Robert B. Reich, Chancellor’s Professor of Public Policy, University of California at Berkeley

“No American in recent decades has done more than Ralph Nader to construct a workable alliance between the principled Right and the sincere Left to salvage our country and our national prosperity, and Unstoppable outlines his vital mission.” —Ron Unz, former publisher of The American Conservative

“Unstoppable is even-handed, erudite, practical and necessary. Nader harnesses his lifelong crusade for the public interest over the corporatist agenda into a treatise that is optimistic and patriotic. He demonstrably shows that effective Left-Right alliances aren’t pipe dreams, but historic realities in need of strategic cultivation, for the sake of our future.” —Nomi Prins, author of All the Presidents’ Bankers

(from Amazon.com)

Gratitude: Reflections on What We Owe to Our Country

The dean of American conservatism makes a provocative argument for universal national service. William F. Buckley, Jr., argues that national service would be good for the country—as good as for those who receive its benefits, renewing his call for a year of voluntary national service for young people eighteen and over, in areas such as health, day care, and the environment, to strengthen their feeling and appreciation for their nation.

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Reviews

Long the dean of American conservative thought, Buckley here surprisingly–and eloquently–espouses a new government program: voluntary, nonmilitary National Service. Previously suggested in his 1973 book, Four Reforms, Buckley’s National Service proposal envisions an analogue of military service in which participants would do environmental work, health care, care for the aged, child care, and other kinds of work. Buckley’s rationale for National Service is that it would constitute a fitting expression of gratitude by young people (Buckley intends his program primarily, though not exclusively, for people of college age) for the liberties they enjoy and would simultaneously provide valuable services for the community. At the same time, he argues, the work undertaken by program participants would give them a sense of pride and a stake in their country. Buckley (unlike other proponents of similar programs currently under consideration by Congress) does not favor conscription, but he does favor both positive and negative reinforcement as less insidious forms of coercion. For instance, he argues that participants should receive tax credits and access to student loans and federal subsidies, while nonparticipants should be subject to such sanctions as rescission of deposit insurance and the privilege of driving. Also, he opposes federal financing of the program but endorses financing by states. Thus, although Buckley is proposing what at first blush seems a “liberal” program; his idea reflects his conservative concern for preserving the initiative of the states and for minimizing government coercion of the individual. While one may argue with the specifics of Buckley’s proposal, one cannot deny that he has written a provocative apologia for a timely idea.  – Kirkus Reviews

There is a growing debate in the United States as to whether the young should be encouraged or even compelled to give a year of “national service” to help the nation cope with its social problems, e.g., health care and illiteracy. While not advocating compulsory service, Buckley does argue that the young should be encouraged, through various rewards and sanctions, to give a year of service out of gratitude for civil liberties inherited and protected. While the idea seems to have merit on the surface, criticisms (cited by Buckley) that it smacks of totalitarianism, as well as the question of how this would be paid for on top of the national debt and the savings & loan crisis make the idea less attractive. An intriguing essay; recommended for academic and public libraries.  – Library Journal

Congress from the Inside: Observations from the Majority and the Minority

Four decades of Democratic control of Congress abruptly came to an end with the 1994 elections, which propelled the Republican party to an unfamiliar role as the majority party in both houses of Congress. Second-term congressman from Ohio Sherrod Brown was thrust into this frenetic first 100 days which were very partisan and often very nasty. Congress from the Inside takes freshman Congressman Brown through the halls of the Capitol as he learns his job; depicts the inner-working and deal-making of Congress; shows how legislation is crafted; and visits the offices of other members and small meetings where much of the work of Congress is done. Brown’s third term, still as a member of the minority party, exposes the strengths and weaknesses of Congress as an institution, its successes and failures, its diversity and its elitism. This account of the transition from a political majority status to minority status discloses the trauma felt by one party and the exhilaration experienced by the other as one era ended and a new one began.

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Reviews

Congress From the Inside is just what the name suggests: a member’s-eye view of Congress by Sherrod Brown, a fourth-term, liberal Democratic member of the House of Representatives from Ohio. Brown writes about campaigning in his home district, serving on committees, voting on the floor, and answering constituent mail, as well as presenting his perspective on NAFTA, Bill Clinton’s first budget and tax increase, and the effects of the “Republican Revolution” of the 1994 congressional elections. Brown’s inside description of the Democratic Party’s struggle to deal with their loss of a congressional majority is one of the most vivid and candid sections in the book. Also of note is his reaction to President Bill Clinton’s subsequent “snuggling up to (then-Speaker of the House Newt) Gingrich,” as the “triangulation” theory espoused by controversial presidential advisor Dick Morris moved Clinton further to the right, creating a rift between the president and congressional Democrats. (It was Brown who quipped at the time, in a remark made in a closed Democratic meeting but reported nationally, that maybe the street in front of the White House, which had been closed to traffic for security purposes, should be reopened.)While there are no bombshells in Congress from the Inside, Brown’s book is reasonably candid for a sitting member of Congress, and he wisely resists the temptation to puff himself up too heavily. But it is a strongly partisan story told from a liberal’s perspective, in which the Democrats are always right on the issues. The only time Republicans are right, according to Brown, is when they act like Democrats (as in passing a minimum wage increase or enacting health insurance reform in 1996). Democratic readers will appreciate this book, along with the tantalizing possibility on which it closes–that the congressional elections in 2000 will see the Democrats take back the House, making Brown an influential subcommittee chairman. (amazon.com)

Congressman Brown (D-Ohio) offers an informative and well written account of how the House of Representatives works, as well as an insider’s view of the rise, fall, and resurrection of the Democratic party during the years 1992 to 1996. Too many books by politicians are self-advertisements filled with vague policy proposals and inoffensive political philosophy. There is little of either here, as Brown wisely focuses for the most part on what congressional representatives do and how they do it. One of 110 new members elected in 1992, Brown takes us through the minutiae that make up a new representatives’s early weeks. Each new member is given a handbook on how to behave in the House. Specific rules govern how large a staff a new member may have (one for every 35,000 people in his or her district, up to a staff of 18). Brown describes in detailand makes interestingthe utterly confusing process through which new members get assigned to committees and subcommittees; he shows how things get done, or don’t get done, in these committees. He highlights the necessity of regularly visiting ones district. On one Saturday, he goes from an Eagle Scout presentation to a spaghetti dinner at a local high school. Such detail is set against the larger story of the conservative Republican triumph in Congress in 1994, led by Newt Gingrich, and the sudden loss of power by the Democrats. He traces the subsequent self-destruction of Gingrich and his followers as they try to push the country too far too fast to the right, and Clinton is easily reelected. Brown finds that Gingrich’s legacy is wide public distrust of Congress. Having demonized Congress for years, both Democrats and Republicans now must repair the damage that, in Brown’s view, Gingrich has done. While the larger story is well handled, its the details that make this so readable. Not for political junkies alone, but for anyone who enjoys good writing and a good story. (kirkusreviews.com)

The Centrist Manifesto

A vision—and detailed road map to power—for a new party that will champion America’s rational center.

From debt ceiling standoffs to single-digit Congress approval ratings, America’s political system has never been more polarized—or paralyzed—than it is today. As best-selling author and public policy expert Charles Wheelan writes, now is the time for a pragmatic Centrist party that will identify and embrace the best Democratic and Republican ideals, moving us forward on the most urgent issues for our nation.

Wheelan—who not only lectures on public policy but practices it as well (he ran unsuccessfully for Congress in 2009)—brings even more than his usual wit and clarity of vision to The Centrist Manifesto. He outlines a realistic ground game that could net at least five Centrist senators from New England, the Midwest, and elsewhere. With the power to deny a red or blue Senate majority, committed Centrists could take the first step toward giving voice and power to America’s largest, and most rational, voting bloc: the center.

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From Kirkus Reviews

A pragmatic argument about moving politics away from polarities and toward the moderate middle, where the author feels most voters find themselves and most solutions can be negotiated.

The word “manifesto” typically generates more passion, but it’s hard to rouse excitement when espousing a shift toward the center. Yet it’s central to the argument by Wheelan (Public Policy/Dartmouth Coll.; Naked Statistics, 2013, etc.) that rabble-rousing emotionalism is part of the problem in American politics, where candidates in both parties feel that they must throw red meat to the extremists who are more involved in the nominating process than they are reflective of the citizenry at large. Contrary to analyses that see the country as increasingly polarized, the author suggests that most Americans are far more moderate and that they can find agreement on plenty of issues where two-party politics continues to find stalemate or gridlock. “The challenges we have to deal with as a nation are entirely manageable,” he writes. “The key is to mobilize America’s inner pragmatism.” The strategy focuses on the Senate, where a handful of centrist legislators from swing states or a tradition of electing representatives from both parties could become power brokers, essential to the sort of compromise that reflects most Americans. Though third-party candidates haven’t typically fared well, Wheelan argues that the difference here is that the centrists will come from the common-sense middle rather than the radical fringes. Leftists will have trouble swallowing his antipathy toward unions, while conservatives will find his positions on the environment and gay marriage suspect. But as he works his way through flash-point issues to consensus on abortion and guns, he strives for a rationality that all but ideologues can embrace.

It’s a sign of the times that this sensible plea for moderation can seem so radical.

God and Man at Yale: The Superstitions of ‘Academic Freedom’

“For God, for country, and for Yale…in that order,” William F. Buckley Jr. wrote as the dedication of his monumental work—a compendium of knowledge that still resonates within the halls of the Ivy League university that tried to cover up its political and religious bias. Buckley’s harsh assessment of his alma mater divulged the reality behind the institution’s wholly secular education, even within the religion department and divinity school. Unabashed, one former Yale student details the importance of Christianity and heralds the modern conservative movement in his preeminent tell-all.

”Without God and Man at Yale, one could fairly say, the conservative movement would not exist today. Soon after winning national attention with this controversial polemic, William F. Buckley Jr. deployed his youth, charm, and intellect to unite a motley crew of cantankerous intellectuals into a viable conservative movement. Less than a generation after Lionel Trilling famously opined that ‘in the United States at this time liberalism is not only the dominant but even the sole intellectual tradition,’ Buckley had in large part caused the liberal consensus to unravel.” –From the new foreword to the 50th Anniversary Edition

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Reviews

”Still correct and prophetic. It defines the conservative revolt against socialism and atheism on campus and in the culture and reconciles the alleged conflict between capitalist and religious conservatives.” –George Gilder, National Review, ”100 Best Nonfiction Books of the Century”

”William F. Buckley’s book with the brilliant title, God and Man at Yale, will kick up a glorious controversy . . . Brilliant, sincere, well-informed, keenly reasoned, and exciting to read.” –American Mercury